By K. Theodore Hoppen

The Anglo-Irish Union of 1800 which proven the uk of serious Britain and eire made British ministers in London extra at once liable for Irish affairs than had formerly been the case. The Act didn't, besides the fact that, supply for complete integration, and left in lifestyles a separate management in Dublin less than a Viceroy and a major Secretary. This created tensions that have been by no means resolved. the connection that ensued has as a rule been interpreted by way of 'colonialism' or 'post-colonialism', thoughts no longer with no their difficulties relating to a rustic so geographically as regards to Britain and, certainly, so heavily attached constitutionally.

Governing Hibernia seeks to envision the Union courting from a brand new and various viewpoint. particularly it argues that London's rules in the direction of eire within the interval among the Union and the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921 oscillated sharply. now and then, the regulations have been in response to a view of an eire so far-off, various, and violent that (regardless of provides made in 1800) its executive demanded notably Hibernian guidelines of a coercive type (c. 1800-1830); at others, they have been in line with the idea that balance was once top completed by means of a widely assimilationist process - in impression trying to make eire extra like Britain (c. 1830-1868); and at last they made a go back to rules of differentiation although in much less coercive methods than were the case within the many years instantly after the Union (c. 1868-1921). the end result of this final coverage of differentiation was once a disposition, finally universal to either one of the most British political events, to furnish better measures of devolution and finally independence, a improvement eventually rendered attainable by way of the implementation of Irish partition in 1921/2.

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Governing Hibernia : British politicians and Ireland 1800-1921

The Anglo-Irish Union of 1800 which proven the uk of serious Britain and eire made British ministers in London extra without delay accountable for Irish affairs than had formerly been the case. The Act didn't, even though, supply for complete integration, and left in life a separate management in Dublin below a Viceroy and a primary Secretary.

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And what this meant, as soon became obvious, was that all the fine talk about assimilation had been nothing more than that, fine talk. 27 In public, however, little was said about all 1848–53), iv. 392–400; Cornwallis to Portland, 1 December 1800, The Correspondence of Charles, First Marquis Cornwallis, ed. C. Ross, 3 vols (London, 1859), iii. 306–7. 23 Sir John Parnell in A Report of the Debate in the House of Commons in Ireland, on Wednesday and Thursday the 5th and 6th of February 1800 (Dublin, 1800), 180.

276–8. 34 Hardwicke to Yorke, 24 August 1805, A. P. W. Malcomson, John Foster (1740–1828): The Politics of Improvement and Prosperity (Dublin, 2011), 202; Vansittart to Redesdale, 22 June 1805, GRO Mitford Papers D2002/3/1/38. 35 In 1806 William Elliot, one of the by-now rapidly rotating chief secretaries, found it difficult to get any kind of hearing when attending parliament in London. Five years later his successor again thought ‘Irish affairs … to be almost forgotten’. Peel always found the cabinet too busy and was once reduced to waving a miniature pike at the Home Secretary in a desperate attempt to catch his attention.

Yet, the deeper condition of things had hardly changed at all. Not only were Irish ascendancy anti-unionists like John Foster rapidly resurrected into favour, but the demands of war with France, unrest in Ireland, disturbances in England itself, together with a host of longheld attitudes (prejudices, if you prefer) combined to keep the smaller island firmly incarcerated within the box of foreign exoticism that it had long inhabited. What, however, the Union had done was to unleash flocks of British author–travellers upon Ireland anxious to ‘discover’ this new part of the United Kingdom.

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