By Theresa Biberauer

The nonetheless mostly mysterious query of ways hierarchical linguistic constructions are switched over into sequentially ordered linear strings is the hard challenge on the middle of this quantity. the 10 contributions technique it from various angles, contemplating either particular empirical demanding situations in spoken and signed languages, and broader architectural and typological questions. This quantity may be of curiosity to complex scholars and researchers with pursuits within the externalisation of linguistic constitution, the structure of the language school and linguistic typology.

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The Hague: Mouton. Chomsky, Noam. 1965. Aspects of the theory of syntax. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1970. Remarks on nominalization. ), Readings in English transformational grammar, 184–221. Waltham, MA: Ginn. Chomsky, Noam. 1993. A minimalist program for linguistic theory. In Ken Hale & S. ), The view from Building 20: essays in linguistics in honor of Sylvain Bromberger, 1–52. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Chomsky, Noam. 1994. Bare phrase structure. MIT Occasional Papers in Linguistics 5.

This creates the order of vocabulary insertion in (15b), (15c) and (15d). 46 William Idsardi and Eric Raimy (15) Derivation of ER: baagilannu giigilannu a. DP D ER NP N √baagil ACC b. VI √baagil ‘door’ #→b→a→X→g→i→l→% c. VI ACC ({_%} → a → n → X → %) # →b→a→X →g→i →l→% a→ n → X d. VI ER ({_%} → g → i →{1st V _}) # → b→ a→ X → g → i →l → % a→ n→X g →i (15b) is the first application of vocabulary insertion where the root √baagil is converted from a morphosyntactic feature complex to a phonological representation.

CP C RED ∗ IP DP subj ∗ I tns/# I’ ∗ DP subj vP ∗ v’ v ∗ V √much VP ∗ DP √baagil Immobilization does not create a complete linear order because mirror images of hierarchical adjacency structures are equivalent but not all orderings of syntactic elements are admissible as shown in (8). (8) Equivalency under adjacency a. [A*[B*C]] = [[B*C]*A] = [[C*B]*A] = [A*[C*B]] ≠ [C*A*B] b. [CP ER *[IP Ø *[I’ tns/# *[vP Ø *[v’ v*[VP √much *[DP √baagil]]]]]]] c. [CP [IPØ *[I’ [vP Ø *[v’ [VP [DP √baagil]* √much]* v]]* tns/#]]* ER] Adjacency information added by immobilization is required to properly define the operation of morphological merger (Marantz 1988).

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